Trump’s Health Care Plan Is One Sentence Plus Hand Gestures

Screen Shot 2016-02-27 at 2.47.30 PM.png

Obamacare, whatever its flaws, has extended insurance coverage to an estimated 16 million people.  Donald Trump promises to repeal it and in return offers no direct support for poor and middle class families who struggle with health costs. His sole substantive proposal on health care is to deregulate insurance companies to make it easier for them to sell insurance across state lines.

Trump summed up his plan in the debate on Thursday: “When you get rid of the lines [around the states] it brings in competition.” Circular hand motions were added to make the point more vivid.

There are two major problems with this proposal: (1) it doesn’t work, and (2) even if it did, it’s nothing close to a complete health care plan for the nation.

In theory driving down costs by encouraging interstate competition is a nice free-market idea. But as the Upshot has detailed, the evidence that this works in practice is nil:

The trouble is that varying or numerous state regulations aren’t the main reason insurance markets tend to be uncompetitive. Selling insurance in a new region or state takes more than just getting a license and including all the locally required benefits. It also involves setting up favorable contracts with doctors and hospitals so that customers will be able to get access to health care. Establishing those networks of health care providers can be hard for new market entrants….

In 2012, Ms. Corlette and co-authors completed a study of a number of states that passed laws to allow out-of-state insurance sales. Not a single out-of-state insurer had taken them up on the offer. As Ms. Corlette’s paper highlighted, there is no federal impediment to across-state-lines arrangements.

The laborious work of setting up a network of providers is not something that out-of-state insurers can easily replicate, and as far as the evidence goes, there’s no sign it would have any effect on the insurance market or costs to consumers.

Even if eliminating state barriers somehow restrained growth in health care costs, repealing Obamacare would toss 10 million+ back into the realm of the uninsured. What would happen to people with pre-existing conditions? That Trump hasn’t even thought about addressing these issues highlights how shallow his approach to policy is. After eight months of running for president all he’s picked up on health care is an irrelevant sound bite on “lines around states.”

In the clip below, when Dana Bash asked Trump if he has any other health policy ideas to add, Trump responded: “There’s nothing to add. What’s to add?” Meanwhile his odds of winning the GOP nomination are approaching 80%.

Scalia’s Healthcare-Related Jurisprudence (and Mic Drops)

Aside from his reputation as a towering conservative legal mind, Antonin Scalia was probably best known for his zingy dissents and equally sassy majority opinions on virtually every legal matter brought before the Supreme Court of the United States. Unsurprisingly, on healthcare issues, Scalia remained staunchly committed to the kind of originalismtextualism, and gloves-off humor he was best known for.

antonin_scalia_2010

The most recent challenge to the Affordable Care Act, King vs. Burwell (2015), centered on the question of whether the ACA’s Exchanges, where subsidized health insurance would be sold, needed to be established “by the State” (as opposed to administered by the federal government) in order for purchasers to qualify for subsidies. If interpreted as written, the ACA would have been gutted of one of its central goals. But true to the text of the law, Scalia insisted that the ACA needed to be interpreted as it was written. “It is bad enough for a court to cross out ‘by the State’ once,” Scalia bemoaned, “But seven times?” While health policy wonks and economists were worried about the practical effects King could have on the viability of the ACA, Scalia worried about the future of the rule of law in a world where laws are conveniently reinterpreted to suit someone’s agenda: “Words no longer have meaning if an Exchange that is not established by a State is ‘established by the State.'”He  remained concerned about the precedent set by this style of interpretation, predicting that “The somersaults of statutory interpretation they have performed […] will be cited by litigants endlessly, to the confusion of honest jurisprudence.”

Scalia was no stranger to controversy, and this remained true on issues pertaining to healthcare, too. He wrote the majority opinion  in District of Columbia vs. Heller (2008), which supported the individual right to bear arms under the Second Amendment. In the face of revisionist arguments about the scope of what the Constitution could protect, Scalia admitted that while it was possible the Constitution could be outmoded, ultimately “[…] what is not debatable is that it is not the role of this court to pronounce the Second Amendment extinct.” Only the Legislature could do that.

In the world of patent law, Scalia also wrote a number of influential opinions that shaped the drug industry’s patent litigation strategies. In Commil v. Cisco (2015), most recently, the Court decided that believing in good faith that a patent was invalid is enough to absolve the defendant of infringing on the patent holder’s rights. Scalia defended that interpretation by writing that “Saying that infringement cannot exist without a valid patent does not ‘conflate the issues of infringement and validity’ any more than saying that water cannot exist without oxygen ‘conflates’ water and oxygen.” Understanding the intricacies of science necessary to making just determinations of law was a source of frustration for Scalia more than once. In Association of Molecular Pathology vs. Myriad Genetics (2013), where the Court needed to decide whether a company could patent a DNA sequence, he said “I am unable to affirm those details [of laboratory DNA synthesis] on my own knowledge or even my own belief. It suffices for me to affirm, having studied the opinions below and the expert briefs presented here, that the portion of DNA isolated from its natural state sought to be patented is identical to that portion of the DNA in its natural state; and that complementary DNA (cDNA) is a synthetic creation not normally present in nature.” Though Scalia probably never developed a coherent theory of intellectual property or patent law for that matter, his disdain for poor logic rang through the diverse opinions he penned in this field.

In an era of Congressional gridlock and dysfunction of the most dangerous branch of government, Scalia stood by his vision of lawmakers who actually wrote laws that made sense on their own terms, and that were true to the words they contained. He held himself to similarly high standards. If he could be faulted for occasional inaccuracies in his opinions and occasionally straying from his textualist roots, he was an inspirational leader when it came to being a vocal supporter of unpopular opinions at times. And perhaps — more importantly — a man who never let his robes disguise a wry sense of humor. He brought life and color to the dry legal battles that shape our rights, obligations, and opportunities as citizens — and healthcare professionals.

 

Other Resources:

  1. A summary of upcoming SCOTUS cases that may be affected by the loss of a well-known conservative thinker on the bench.
  2. SCOTUSBlog‘s coverage of Healthcare cases on the docket.
  3. A 60 Minutes Episode on Justice Scalia.
  4. The immediate impacts of Scalia’s death